Politea.org

In December 2012 the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP -  自民党 )  decisively won the Lower House ( 衆議院 )  elections for the national Diet ( 国会 ) , securing 294 out of the 480 seats. Between its MPs, and the 31 MPs of its coalitional partner, the New Komeito Party ( 公明党 ), Abe Shinzo’s government commanded a comfortable majority of just over 2/3 of the Lower House. In subsequent elections for the Upper House ( 参議院 ) in July 2013 LDP gained 114 seats, and the New Komeito Party – 20. All in all, this is a very strong majority, which can guarantee a comfortable governing of Abe’s cabinet. Why then last week the Prime Minister called snap elections for the Lower House – an act that defies the normal logic of democratic governance? There are two competing, albeit not mutually exclusive explanations.  

Mythic origins or original sin? Euroscepticism and an ever closer reality LIUBOMIR TOPALOFF   25 April 2014 Euroscepticism is a strategically invented social construct – much like the myth of “ever closer union” itself – to capture and channel growing popular discontent with the aftermath of the European integration process.  The European elections are fast approaching, and with them the first time spectacle in the history of the European Parliament (EP) that we see eurosceptic parties with unprecedented popular representation. Based on pre-election estimates by PollWatch, what with the proposed alliance of right-wing eurosceptics led by Le Pen’s Front National and Geert Wilders’ PVV, the centre-right eurosceptics currently united in the EFD and led by UKIP’s Nigel Farrage, still free-floating extremists such as Jobbik, Attacka, Golden Dawn and the like, and the parochial hodgepodge of far left eurosceptics in the United Left/Nordic

                              Protesters on the Euromaidan, December 2013                              And so, the cards were laid down on the table. As Moscow has ordered its troops from Ukraine’s border to return back from “military exercise,” and we hear more about diplomacy, and less about military intervention, then the confrontation with Russia clearly begins to disentangle. There should be no doubt that the West (i.e. U.S.) has managed to push Mr. Putin into the corner with not to many options left. But what is at stake, and how was it bargained? In my opinion one should look far beyond the current geographic focus of the conflict. But to understand how far and why, a necessary prelude is necessary (spoiler alert; if you don’t care about elaborations and bla-bla, scroll down directly to the last two paragraphs). ...

Като външен и далечен наблюдател, осъзнавам, че нито мнението ми, нито наблюденията ми са достатъчно прецизни. Въпреки честите визити до България и постоянното следене на преса и мултимедия, не претендирам за акуратност. За това и се въздържах да пратя за публикация този, така или иначе, доста дълъг и вероятно скучноват или травиален текст. Надявам се, все пак, четящите го да го намерят поне за малко интересен или оригинален.  The most famous visualisation of the idea behind Russell's Paradox: Magritte's "This is Not a Pipe" pipe drawing.  Is, indeed, an image of a pipe a "pipe"?  През последните 6-7 месеца търсех и сравнявах теории, които биха могли да обяснят протестите в България и динамиката на “взаимоотношения” между правителство и протестиращи. Най-близката аналогия, разбира се, би била с протестните движения “Окупирай”, които през последните няколко години превзеха Европа, Америка и Азия. Следвайки логиката на развитие на “Окупирай”, бъл...

Link to The Economist

【最終回】 テロ対策強化がかえって脅威を増長させる  悪循環に嵌る米国は麻痺状態から抜け出せない ——リュボミール・トパロフ 明治大学政治経済学部特任講師インタビュー 1 2 3 4 5 「脅えるアメリカ社会」ではボストンマラソン爆弾事件を中心に据え、様々な角度からテロ事件の余波やアメリカ社会に存在する恐怖心を紹介してきた。本連載は今回で最終回となるが、取材期間も含めた連載中に感じた疑問について、テロリズムの歴史や各国の対テロ政策にも詳しい明治大学政治経済学部のリュボミール・トパロフ特任講師に聞いた。ブルガリア出身のトパロフ氏はボストンのノースイースタン大学で国際政治やテロリズムについて教鞭をとり、2010年より日本を拠点としている。  テロリズムは政治暴力の一つ かつては支持された手法だった リュボーミル・トパロフ （Liubomir Topaloff） 1973年ブルガリア・ソフィア生まれ。父は著名な作家で現バチカン大使。ソフィア大学を卒業後、アメリカにわたり、シカゴ大学で修士を、ノースイースタン大学で博士号を取得（専門は世界の安全保障問題）。2005年から2010年までノースイースタン大学で講師として勤務し、2010年夏に来日。現在は明治大学政治経済学部で特任講師を務める傍ら、アジアの安全保障問題についてもブルガリアのメディアに寄稿している。 ――ボストンマラソン爆弾事件のようなテロと、冷戦時代に世界各地で発生したテロでは、何か違いはあるのでしょうか？ 時とともにテロリズムの定義は変わっていくのでしょうか？  私の見解としては、テロリズムとは暴力的な手段を用いて社会に不安を与えることで、市民の国家や社会に対する怒りや不満を誘発させる行動だ。意外なことに19世紀末まではテロリストに対する社会的な支持が強い国もいくつか存在し、テロリストも自らをテロリストと呼ぶことに誇りを持っていたほどだ。  帝政ロシアのアナーキストも自らをテロリストと呼び活動したが、帝政に不満を抱く一般市民からの支持率はかなり高かった。現在では考えられないが、テロリストがポジティブなニュアンスを持たれる時代が存在したのだ。彼らはテロそのものが当時の政治体制を転覆させるとは考えていなかったが、当時の政府が市民に対...

Zero-Sum Enrichment Six reasons why the United States can’t force Iran's nuclear hand. BY COLIN H. KAHL, ALIREZA NADER | OCTOBER 14, 2013 Iranian president Hasan Rouhani's recent charm offensive has raised expectations for a diplomatic breakthrough heading into this week's nuclear negotiations between Iran and the United States, Britain, China, France, Germany, and Russia (the so-called P5+1) in Geneva. Sanctions have taken a heavy toll on the Iranian economy, and the Islamic Republic may finally be motivated to take steps to rein in its nuclear program, including accepting limits on uranium enrichment, in exchange for lessening the pressure. Hawks in Israel and Washington, however, have been quick to describe Rouhani as a " wolf in sheep's clothing ," warning that the Iranian regime may agree to "cosmetic changes" to its nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief, but ultimately will do little to constrain its quest for the bo...